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When Possible, Treat Immigrants As Criminal Defendants, Not As Criminals

4/29/2012

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Angelo Paparelli, ABIL Immediate Past President
Nation of Immigrators

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An essay in today's New York Times, "Unexceptionalism:  A Primer," by the novelist, E. L. Doctorow, describes in four "phases" how America can take steps to become unexceptional, that is, "indistinguishable from the impoverished, traditionally undemocratic, brutal or catatonic countries in the world."

Phase one begins with Bush v. Gore, a ruling that "ignore[s] the first sacrament of a democracy and suspend[s] the counting of ballots in a presidential election." 

Phase four ends with a naked power grab:

If you're a justice of the Supreme Court, decide that the police of any and all cities and towns and villages have the absolute authority to strip-search any person whom they, for whatever reason, put under arrest.

In phase three, Doctorow turns to immigration -- the form of authentic American exceptionalism to which this blog is dedicated -- and says (ironically, to my law-trained mind):

When possible, treat immigrants as criminals.

He apparently assumes that exceptionalism declines when the foreign-born among us are locked away for trivial or modest immigration violations, even when they pose no threat of escape or of harm to society. He might also be suggesting that by separating them from their U.S. citizen relatives after their right to be in the U.S. has been tested and denied in removal (deportation) proceedings too often threatens American families with poverty and a life of needless suffering. 

In this he is right.  Immigrant detention -- promoted by a smart "ALEC" in retreat -- has become a huge business, an industry so successful that it lacks adequate facilities to house immigrant detainees, one where even children as young as eight are placed in "emergency" quarters on military bases.

If Doctorow instead meant to refer to the treatment of suspected wrongdoers under either the immigration or the criminal laws, this otherwise brilliant author is flat wrong. 

Criminal suspects are guaranteed rights that people charged with violating the immigration laws can only envy. Defendants in criminal trials in most cases enjoy the right to a trial by jury. Their guilt must be established by proof beyond a reasonable doubt. Under the Ex Post Facto Clause of the U.S. Constitution, they may only be convicted for conduct that Congress made illegal before the forbidden act occurred. Indigent criminal defendants are entitled to appointed defense counsel at government expense.

Whether rich or poor or in between, criminal suspects have Constitutionally endowed Miranda rights (the warning that anything they say to police can and will be used against them in a court of law). They have a right to examine any exculpatory evidence in the government's possession, and the right to confront the witnesses against them and insist that the court exclude purely hearsay evidence. The judges who preside in criminal cases are subject to the canons of judicial ethics. Criminal proceedings are transcribed by court reporters so as to establish an accurate record and make sure that the right to appeal a conviction is preserved.

Because of the legal charade that removal proceedings are "civil" and not "criminal" in nature, that deportation is not "punishment," foreign citizens whose immigration status is challenged at a removal hearing before an immigration judge enjoy no such rights.

Although not treated as punishment under the immigration laws, removal (or its virtual twin, inadmissibility) hurts no less.  A former Attorney General might just as well have been talking about removal rather than inadmissibility in Matter of S- and B-C, 9 I & N Dec. 436, at 447 (BIA 1960; A.G. 1961), when he said:

Shutting off the opportunity to come to the United States [or, as I would also put it, forcing someone to leave] actually is a crushing deprivation to many prospective [and current] immigrants. Very often it destroys the hopes and aspirations of a lifetime, and it frequently operates not only against the individual immediately but also bears heavily upon his family in and out of the United States.

If America treated immigrants in removal proceedings as if they were criminal defendants, the foreign-born whose status is at risk would enjoy significantly greater rights, and the harsh rule of immigration law would be tempered with justice.  At present, however, respondents in immigration proceedings are at greater likelihood of being found at fault than criminal defendants. Here's why:
  • No presumption of innocence but proof "beyond doubt." An applicant for admission to the U.S. as well as a so-called "arriving alien" is not presumed innocent.  Rather s/he must prove "clearly and beyond doubt [that s/he is] entitled to be admitted and is not inadmissible. . . ." The "clearly and beyond doubt" burden of proof imposed on the foreign citizen is even more difficult to establish than the duty imposed on prosecutors to prove a criminal defendant's guilt "beyond a reasonable doubt."  Even for foreigners who have already been granted admission, the noncitizen (whose alienage the government has proven) must establish by clear and convincing evidence that he or she is in the U.S. based on a lawful admission.  Only then is the government required to prove by clear and convincing evidence that the respondent is deportable.
  • No Jury. Respondents in removal proceedings have no right to a jury trial.
  • No government-paid legal counsel for the indigent or incapacitated. Unlike criminal defendants, respondents facing removal (even minors and the mentally impaired) who cannot afford a lawyer have no right to legal counsel at government expense.
  • Late advisal of right to avoid self-incrimination. Immigrant respondents are only given Miranda warnings (by regulation rather than Constitutional guarantee) after a Notice to Appear before an immigration judge is served upon them.
  • "Loosey-Goosey" rules of evidence. Hearsay evidence may be used against respondents in removal proceedings at the discretion of the immigration judge.
  • Limited access to exculpatory evidence. Immigrant respondents are not automatically given access to evidence that may establish their innocence of the charges against them or their eligibility for relief from removal.  They must file Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests or request the immigration judge's permission to subpoena documents or witnesses. Even if such evidence is not made available to the respondent, the immigration judge can find the person removable and ineligible for various types of discretionary relief.
  • In-person proceedings with court reporters transcribing every word not allowed. Immigration court cases are conducted without court reporters.  Instead, they are audio- or video-recorded. Too often this denies them justice.  Audio recorders are often turned on and off at the sometimes hasty flick of an immigration judge's finger -- at times thereby leaving out crucial factual information or legal argument. At other times, the recordings are garbled, incomprehensible or defective. This is usually discovered months or years later on appeal, thus requiring a remand to the immigration judge for rehearing.  Live video recording -- which occurs with detained immigrants -- often interferes with the effective representation of counsel or prevents a clear understanding of the proceedings by the person most affected, the respondent.
  • Retroactive culpability. Immigrants can be removed from the U.S. for conduct that would not have warranted deportation when the act was committed.  This is because Congress can and often does change the grounds for immigration removal retroactively.  There is no Ex Post Facto rule prohibiting deportation for past non-culpable conduct.
  • Immigration judges not subject to canons of judicial ethics. Although proposals to impose a judicial ethics code on immigration judges, they are not yet final. In criminal courts, however, judges are subject to ethical canons, patterned after the American Bar Association's Model Code of Judicial Conduct.
The civil-not-criminal distinction in removal proceedings may soon be meaningless.  If, as the prognosticators suggest, the Supreme Court upholds Section 3 of Arizona's S.B. 1070, which creates a the crime of being unlawfully present in the U.S. and of failing to register with the federal government, we may learn in a future case whether the lack of criminal defendants' rights in immigration proceedings can withstand Constitutional challenge. 

I'd rather see our leaders deservedly stake claim to the notion of American Exceptionalism and distinguish our nation "from the impoverished, traditionally undemocratic, brutal or catatonic countries in the world," by, whenever possible, granting immigrants the same legal rights as we give to criminal defendants.
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From Madison to Morton: Can Prosecutorial Discretion Trump State Action in Arizona v. USA?

4/24/2012

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by Cyrus D. Mehta, ABIL Lawyer and Gary Endelman
The Insightful Immigration Blog

Warning against the danger of faction in his famous Federalist Paper No. 10, James Madison sought to moderate the impact through the diffusion of power amongst the three branches of the federal government as well as between state and federal authority. This coming Wednesday, the United States Supreme Court will hear oral argument over the most contentious provisions of Arizona SB 1070. It is perhaps no small exaggeration to say that the outcome of this case will determine if prosecutorial discretion as a tool of immigration enforcement can survive.

In an age of finite resources, to govern is to choose. That is why ICE Director John Morton decided this past June 2011 to exercise prosecutorial discretion in removal cases involving non-citizens who demonstrate favorable factors, such as their length of presence in the US, the person’s ties to the community, including the presence of immediate relative who may be US citizens or permanent residents, the circumstances of the person’s entry into the US, particularly if he or she was brought in as a young child and whether the person is likely to be granted permanent residency in the future, to name a few. Mr. Morton in a separate policy memo also included the victims and witnesses of crime, including domestic violence, and those persons who were plaintiffs in non-frivolous lawsuits or otherwise engaged in action to protect their civil rights. Director Morton elected to concentrate on deporting national security concerns or those non-citizens with a serious criminal history. This was not the first time that those who were charged with enforcement of our immigration laws embraced the virtues of prosecutorial discretion. On November 17, 2000, then INS Commissioner Doris Meissner explained it this way:

Prosecutorial Discretion is the authority of an agency charged with enforcing a law to decide whether to enforce, or not to enforce, the law against someone. The INS, like other law enforcement agencies, has prosecutorial discretion and exercises it every day…The favorable exercise of prosecutorial discretion means a discretionary decision not to assert the full scope of the INS’s enforcement authority as permitted under the law…It is important to recognize not only what prosecutorial discretion is but also what it is not. The doctrine of prosecutorial discretion applies to law enforcement decisions whether, and to what extent, to exercise the coercive power of the Government over liberty and property, as authorized by law in cases when individuals have violated the law..The distinction is not always an easy bright-line rule to apply… Like all law enforcement agencies, the INS has finite resources, and it is not possible to investigate and prosecute all immigration violations.

It is an oversimplification, but still an insightful one, to conclude that, thanks largely to the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 ( IIRAIRA), the importance of prosecutorial discretion has increased in inverse measure to the shrinking remedial actions left open to immigration judges whose ability to grant relief from removal, especially in the context of criminal convictions, has been dramatically curtailed. If the consequences of deportation can no longer be avoided or ameliorated, then the decision on whom to target and how to punish become a moments of surpassing criticality. While prosecutorial discretion is not the answer to a legislature run amuck, it may serve to limit the damage. As Assistant Attorney General Robert Raban wrote to Congressman Barney Frank on January 19, 2000, it is in bad times, more than good, when justice needs prosecutorial discretion the most:

Consequently, the IIRAIRA rendered the exercise of prosecutorial discretion by the INS the only means for averting the extreme hardship associated with certain deportation and/or removal cases…

The State of Arizona, it would seem, has other priorities. While ICE may feel the need to choose, Arizona manifestly does not. Indeed, the four provisions of SB 1070 are precisely the ones that most flagrantly impose burdens on ICE in the absence of federal selection. In the absence of a matching federal mechanism, SB 1070 requires Arizona law enforcement officers to check the immigration status of anyone they stop, arrest or detain if they have a “reasonable suspicion “ the person is unlawfully present. SB 1070 complete disregards the Morton prosecutorial discretion policy, which now allows an ICE official to grant a stay of removal to a person who even has a removal order. While SB 1070 may still consider this person to be unlawfully present, under the federal prosecutorial discretion policy, this individual who has been granted a stay of removal, along with an order of supervision, may even apply for a work permit. Furthermore, ignorant or indifferent to federal policies that implicitly tolerate or openly protect the undocumented, SB 1070 criminalizes a failure to carry immigration registration documentation. It has already been pointed out that a battered woman who has obtained discretionary deferred action after filing an I-360 self-petition under the Violence Against Women Act will not be conferred with a registration document. Yet, such a person is allowed to remain and even work in the US until he or she obtains permanent residence. While neither the Immigration Reform Control Act of 1986 or the INA as a whole consider unauthorized employment as criminal conduct, SB 1070 does; even to apply for or solicit work is no less felonious. In the absence of federal warrant or any expression of federal interest in prosecution, SB 1070 sanctions warrantless arrest based on probable cause that the alien in question has committed a deportable offense. The New York Times recently but accurately termed this “an invitation to chaos:”

While Arizona says its law merely empowers law enforcement to work cooperatively with federal officers, that is demonstratively false. The four provisions at issue go beyond federal law, turning federal guidelines into state enforcement rules and violations of federal rules into state crimes. They transform a federal policy that allows discretion in seeking serious criminals among illegal immigrants into a state mandate to target everyone in Arizona illegally…

This concern is at the core of the pre-emption argument against SB 1070, though it has not received much ink in the popular press. In effect, Arizona seeks to impose an unfunded mandate on Washington, precisely the reverse of what is the norm. As Judge Paez wrote for the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in United States v. Arizona, 641 F. 3d 339, 352-53 (9th Cir.2011):

By imposing mandatory obligations on state and local officers, Arizona interferes with the federal government’s authority to implement its priorities and strategies in law enforcement, turning Arizona officers into state-directed DHS agents…the threat of 50 states layering their own immigration enforcement rules on top of the INA weighs in favor of preemption…
It is for this reason that the United States devoted a full 7 pages of it’s appellate brief to the Supreme Court ( pp.17-23) on this very issue. The curtailment of prosecutorial discretion is the negation of federal priorities. On pp. 22-23, we get to the heart of the matter:

The framework that the Constitution and Congress have created does not permit the States to adopt their own immigration programs and policies or to set themselves up as rival decision makers based on disagreement with the focus and scope of federal enforcement. Yet that is precisely what SB 1070 would do, by consciously erecting a regime that would detain, prosecute and incarcerate aliens based on violations of federal law but without regard to federal enforcement provisions, priorities and discretion. SB 1070 cannot be sustained as an exercise in cooperative federalism when its very design discards cooperation and embraces confrontation.

It is not hard to understand or appreciate why or how Arizona is frustrated, for good people of diverse views share this same conviction that ours is a broken immigration regime. It is the particular manner in which Arizona has elected to manifest this dissatisfaction that places the prosecutorial discretion of federal authorities at risk. We must not sacrifice constitutional verities to contemporary passions. Let us return to Madison Federalist No. 51:

Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place. But what is government itself but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary…
In an increasingly complex, hyper-technical system, the need for discretion as a way to make intelligent choices seems more open and obvious than ever. It is widely acknowledged that we have a dysfunctional immigration system whose systemic dislocation has contributed to the buildup of the undocumented population. In the absence of Congressional intervention to restore a permanent balance, the Administration can and must exercise discretion, devoid of ideology or sentiment, to cobble together interim solutions as the need for them arises. Despite SB 1070, rhetoric is not reality and the targeted exercise of discretion to reconcile divergent and often competing interests is something that the Supreme Court should endorse. James Madison would.

(The views expressed by guest author, Gary Endelman, are his own and not of his firm, FosterQuan, LLP)
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Immigration-Agency Lawbreaking Revealed: USCIS's EB-5 "Tenant-Occupancy" Scandal

4/22/2012

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Angelo Paparelli, ABIL Immediate Past President
Nation of Immigrators

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[Bloggers Note:  This post is authored jointly by Brandon Meyer and Angelo A. Paparelli]

Some scandals raise eyebrows; others cause real economic harm.  The one we're about to reveal -- known as "tenant occupancy" -- does both.  It makes the GSA's Las Vegas cavorting pale in comparison. (Immigration lawyer alert:  For those with prurient interests [you know who you are], "tenant occupancy" is not legalese for the recently reported transactions involving the oldest profession as allegedly occurred with the Secret Service at the Hotel Caribe in Cartagena, Columbia.)

Readers of Nation of Immigrators are familiar with the opaque, contradictory, and frequently inane ways in which the Homeland Security Department's immigration-benefits bureau, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), has interpreted America's immigration laws. Over many years, USCIS, like the legacy Justice Department agency, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), burnished its well-deserved reputation for flouting the rule of law and frequently changing legal interpretations and procedures, often without prior notice, let alone stakeholder input. As an early blog post, an open letter to the USCIS Ombudsman, noted in May, 2004, the prior “Notice and Comment” procedures set up by the Administrative Procedure Act (“APA”) have typically been honored in the breach and ignored in the observance.

Stakeholders and the public just had to swallow whatever bitter vittles the U.S. immigration bureaucracy served up, even though, when the direction of the dishing is reversed and petitioners seek immigration benefits, the agency has expected immaculate hygiene and punctilious compliance with its recipes, i.e., USCIS's spare, ambiguous and outdated regulations. Under the leadership of Director Alejandro Mayorkas, however, USCIS has shown a commendable spirit of openness and engagement with the public and the stakeholder community.

Still, old habits die hard. The APA requires USCIS to publish proposed regulations after vetting by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB).  Instead, the agency posts proposals on USCIS.gov.  Each mode of public notice allows for stakeholder comment and engagement.  But the tried-and-true APA requires the agency to publish a reasoned analysis of the commentary, whereas the USCIS's web postings only offer revisions of the posted document without detailing the identity of the commenters, the substance of their remarks and reasons why public comments have been incorporated into the revised posting or rejected.

Stakeholders might understand that minor changes could appropriately be offered through web postings seeking public response but that substantive rules involving topics of public significance should instead go through formal APA rulemaking. The public and Congress might also expect that when laws are enacted setting deadlines for the publication of formal regulations, and suspending agency authority to reject immigration petitions until the regulations are finalized, simple web bulletins are wholly inadequate.  

Take for example legislation enacted in 2002 addressing such subjects of wide interest and concern as foreign investment and job creation, topics that remain important in our still frail economy during the months leading up to November's elections.  In particular, we speak of the EB-5 employment-creation investor green card program. Sections 11033 and 11037 of Public Law 107-273, the 21st Century Department of Justice Appropriations Act of 2002, required INS to publish regulations within 120 days of enactment on how EB-5 regional centers (then described as "pilot program centers") could satisfy adjudicators that ten qualifying jobs would be directly or indirectly created. 

Even cynical observers of immigration bureaucracy might imagine that USCIS would publish final rules by now. As will be seen, the cynics continue to have reasons aplenty to remain jaundiced. In 2011, USCIS finally published proposed regulations interpreting portions of the 2002 law without addressing rules to interpret job-creation calculations. Even the partial proposed rules, however, have not been made final. 

Predictably, the failure of formal rulemaking has produced disastrous results. For several months, many new I-924 Regional Center Designation applications seemed to have disappeared into a black hole. Applicants and their attorneys following up with USCIS were met with either a wall of silence or given the run-around about the reasons for lengthy USCIS inaction on their respective Regional Center applications.

What was going on? USCIS fessed up in a January 2012 EB-5 stakeholders meeting that certain Regional Center designation applications were placed on "hold" at the headquarters level while "issues" remained to be resolved. What precipitated the hold? What were these ominous “issues?” The EB-5 stakeholder community was left to their often vivid imaginations to figure out what was happening.

Another suspenseful month passed before USCIS released a bulletin on February 17, 2012 on “Tenant Occupancy” stating:

The “tenant-occupancy” methodology seeks credit for job creation by independent tenant businesses that lease space in buildings developed with EB-5 funding. USCIS continues to recognize that whether it is economically reasonable to attribute such “tenant-occupancy” jobs to the underlying EB-5 commercial real estate project is a fact-specific question. USCIS is now moving forward with the adjudication of certain pending I-924 Applications For Regional Centers under the Immigrant Investor Pilot Program that are supported by the “tenant-occupancy” economic methodology.

Our newly-hired economists and business analysts will be bringing expertise to these new adjudications, and requests for evidence will be issued to certain applicants and petitioners to address any questions or issues we have about the economic methodologies employed in their specific cases.

For readers unsteeped in immigration patois, the USCIS bulletin foretold an interpretation that new EB-5 jobs are not created when existing employees of a business are merely moved by an employer that changes worksites and reassigns existing workers to newly leased space in a building financed by EB-5 investor funds.  This is presumably the new expertise that USCIS's "newly-hired economists and business analysts" would bring to the analysis of job-counting methodology. 

The 2002 EB-5 legislation, however, already provides the proper analytical framework.  In a Congressional note to Section 11037 (amending 8 U.S.C. § 1153 note):

A regional center shall have jurisdiction over a limited geographic area, which shall be described in the proposal and consistent with the purpose of concentrating pooled investment in defined economic zones. The establishment of a regional center may be based on general predictions, contained in the proposal, concerning the kinds of commercial enterprises that will receive capital from aliens, the jobs that will be created directly or indirectly as a result of such capital investments, and the other positive economic effects such capital investments will have. (Emphasis added.)

Thus, Congress dictated that "general predictions" on "jobs . . . created directly or indirectly as a result of [EB-5] capital investments" should suffice.  So what did USCIS do (besides issuing a puzzling bulletin on job-creation calculations and failing to publish final regulations)?

Lawyers and petitioners who've filed Regional Center applications containing tenant-occupancy calculation methods soon found out.  Their mailboxes were hit with a “blizzard of blue” Requests for Additional Evidence (“RFEs”), symbolic of both the color of RFE cover sheets and the seasonal affective disorders triggered in individuals receiving these cerulean missives this past winter.

Requiring documentary responses almost as thick as Tolstoy’s War and Peace, these RFE’s expressed concern that allowing EB-5 investors to claim job-creation credit for the employees of future building tenants was not based on the ‘reasonable methodologies” required by the regulations (as published before Public Law 107-273 was enacted), and thereby foreclosing the possibility that “verifiable detail” of the subsequent job creation could be provided. In essence, after accepting the tenant-occupancy model for over two decades, USCIS disqualified it without further folderol. 

Although USCIS's RFEs do not “foreclose the possibility that [a Regional Center] might present evidence to demonstrate an economically acceptable nexus between the EB-5 investment and . . . the job creation asserted,” the agency requires evidence showing “excess demand for the specific types of tenants” envisioned in the business plan and economic analysis in order to find the required link between EB-5 investment and job creation.

The agency's RFEs also ask whether prospective tenants (as if the Regional Center operator can predict that far into the future) are “constrained” in their current space or cannot expand their business because of a lack of “specialized business space.” The economic illiteracy of the RFEs is on full display in their requests for evidence of “congestion externalities as demonstrated by a low vacancy-unemployment ratio pursuant to specific space and businesses seeking to expand.” Also, evidence is sought showing “upward wage and rental pressure in specific regional sectors that are likely to be attracted to the proposed project space.”

These categories of evidence presumably advocated by USCIS’s newly hired economists and business analysts show little understanding of basic economic theory and private-sector operations. Excess demand for rental space and upward wage pressures are generally only found in tight job markets, economic booms, or in periods of high inflation. Given that the whole point of the Regional Center program is to encourage job creation in high-unemployment or rural areas, requiring proof of “excess demand” or “upward wage pressures” in these areas as a precondition for construction projects is akin to preventing asthmatics from carrying inhalers until they prove they can function without them.

If fact-based adjudications matter, economists and business analysts should know that the leading reason businesses go through the time, effort, and expense of relocating to a new facility is because employment growth is constrained by current space. Thus, if USCIS’ new tenant-occupancy theories take root, the agency will be responsible for preventing job creation by artificially limiting the number of new construction projects that can be developed using EB-5 capital. (Ironically, by limiting construction projects, USCIS will then be responsible for creating the ‘excess demand’ and ‘upward wage pressures’ that it is now demanding.)

USCIS’ efforts to regulate “excess demand” in the EB-5 program is gross government interference by web fiat. No entrepreneur sets out to develop anything if she believes that there will be insufficient demand for the contemplated project. The tenant-occupancy stratagem is just another example of how USCIS’s constant moving of the goalposts in the EB-5 game does nothing but create unease and uncertainty. Worse yet, the new demands ignore the Obama Administration's own statements acknowledging that counting jobs is not an exact science but instead requires "crude" measures that involve admittedly inexact presumptions.  See, e.g., "Estimates of Job Creation from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009," Executive Office of The President Council Of Economic Advisers, May, 2009. 

The opaque and secretive nature of how USCIS came to this decision is anything but a confidence-building measure. How will USCIS handle the indignation that is expected on the tenant-occupancy issue during the May 1, 2012 EB-5 stakeholders meeting? Presumably, the agency will have already reviewed the critical reactions of the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) and the Association to Invest in the USA (IIUSA).

Will USCIS announce its intention, as the 2002 legislation requires, to publish a proposed regulation on job-creation calculations (and meantime refrain from denying EB-5 petitions)?  Will the OMB step in to police these USCIS shenanigans? Will the DHS Office of Inspector General investigate USCIS's lawless disregard of its rulemaking duties under Public Law 107-273 (as the GSA's OIG has done of that agency's Vegas escapades)?  Will this USCIS scandal form the plot for The Hangover (Part III)? Apparently, AILA and the IIUSA must hire the GSA's mind reader to find out.

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Justice Ginsburg's Observation on Piepowder Courts in Vartelas v. Holder

4/15/2012

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by Cyrus D. Mehta, ABIL Lawyer and Gary Endelman
The Insightful Immigration Blog

In the recent landmark Supreme Court decision of Vartelas v. Holder, No. 10-1211, 565 U.S. ___, U.S. LEXIS 2540 (March 28, 2012), which partially restores the rights of lawful permanent residents (LPR) with pre-1996 convictions, Justice Ginsburg, who wrote the opinion for the majority,   made an interesting reference to piepowder courts. For an explanation of the potential significance of Vartelas v. Holder, we refer readers to our previous blog entitled Fleuti Lives! Restoration of A Constitutional Decision.

Piepowder, or dusty feet courts, as Justice Ginsburg’s decision explains in footnote 12, were temporary mercantile courts quickly set up to hear commercial disputes at trade fairs in Medieval Europe. These courts were set up to resolve disputes while the merchants’ feet were still dusty.

Justice Ginsburg made this reference to piepowder courts in the immigration context in our modern era, stating that an immigration official at the border would not set up a piepowder court to determine whether an LPR committed an offense identified in INA § 212(a)(2) to determine whether he or she was inadmissible. This is what Justice Ginsburg said: “Ordinarily to determine whether there is clear and convincing evidence that an alien has committed a qualifying crime, the immigration officer at the border would check the alien’s record of conviction. He would not call into session a piepowder court to entertain a plea or conduct a trial.”

The Supreme Court’s observation on quaint “dusty feet” courts, although charming, is also extremely significant. Most lawyers who do not practice immigration law, and of course everyone else, will be surprised to know that a non-citizen, including an LPR, can be found inadmissible under INA § 212(a)(2) for being convicted or who admits having committed certain crimes, such as crimes involving moral turpitude or controlled substance offenses.  Thus, a non-citizen, including an LPR, need not have a criminal conviction to be found inadmissible, he or she can be equally snared for having admitted to the commission of a crime. Clearly, with respect to an LPR travelling from abroad, Justice Ginsburg’s observation appears to restrict a CBP officer's ability at an airport from trying to obtain a confession regarding the commission of a CIMT. A CBP official cannot set up a piepowder court at the airport, like the merchants of a bygone era, to try an LPR who has travelled through many time zones, and who instead of having dusty feet may have bleary eyes, for the purposes of bludgeoning him or her into an admission for having committed a crime.

Admittedly, the observation on piepowder courts was obiter dictum. It  was made in the context of whether INA § 101(a)(13)(C), enacted by the Illegal Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA), which allows the government to charge a long term LPR as an arriving alien for having committed an offense under 212(a)(2), could be applied retroactively.  The Supreme Court in Vartelas v. Holder held that the  doctrine enunciated in Rosenberg v. Fleuti, 374 U.S. 449 (1963), that an LPR who made a brief, casual and innocent trip abroad should  not be charged as an arriving alien,  still applies to LPRs with pre- IIRIRA criminal conduct. Noting that there was a presumption against retroactive legislation under Landgraf v. USI film Products, 511 U.S. 244 (1994), the Supreme Court  in Vartelas concluded that  INA § 101(a)(13)(C)(v) resulted in an impermissible retroactive effect as it  created a “new disability” to conduct completed  prior to IIRIRA’s enactment in 1996. This new disability was Vartelas’ inability to travel after 1996, which he could freely do so prior to 1996. The Court criticized the Second Circuit in the same case below, which did not find INA §101(a)(13)(C)(v) retroactive since it did not reference a conviction but only the commission of a crime, which if pleaded to prior to 1996 in reliance of more favorable treatment under pre-1996 law, would have been impermissibly retroactive as in INS v. St. Cyr, 533 U.S. 289 (2001). It was at this point that Justice Ginsburg said that “[t]he practical difference (between a conviction and commission of a crime), so far as retroactivity is concerned, escapes our grasp” and then made her observation that an immigration official would in any event need to determine under the clear and convincing standard at the border by checking the record of conviction, rather than convene a piepowder court, to determine whether the alien committed the crime.

It is also significant that Justice Ginsburg in her observation on piepowder courts affirmed that the burden has always been on the government to establish that an LPR is not entitled to that status, and this burden established in Woodby v. INS, 385 U.S. 276 (1966), is that the government must prove by “clear, unequivocal and convincing" evidence that the LPR should be deported. This burden applies to all LPRs regardless of whether they have pre-1996 or post-1996 criminal convictions. Thus, under a Woodby analysis too, since the government bears a heavy burden of proof, it would be turning the tables on the LPR if the government tried to extract a confession regarding the commission of a crime and thus be able to escape from the heavy burden it bears under the “clear, unequivocal and convincing” standard. This can potentially happen with an LPR who may have had the charges dismissed or reduced, but a nasty CBP official still wants to know the real story via a hypothetical piepowder court at the airport. Indeed, the Board of Immigration Appeals held many years ago in Matter of Guevara, 20 I&N Dec.238 (1990) that an alien’s silence alone does not provide sufficient evidence under the Woodby standard, in the absence of other evidence, to establish deportability. The following extract from Matter of Guevara is worth noting:

The legal concept of a “burden of proof” requires that the party upon whom the burden rests carry such burden by presenting evidence. If the only evidence necessary to satisfy this burden were the silence of the other party, then for all practical purposes, the burden would actually fall upon the silent party from the outset. Under this standard, every deportation proceeding would begin with an adverse inference which the respondent be required to rebut. We cannot rewrite the Act to reflect such a shift in the burden of proof. [citing Woodby v. INS, supra; other citations omitted]

Of course, an LPR can still voluntarily admit to the commission of a crime if he or she chooses to, but such an admission needs to meet rigid criteria. The BIA has set forth the following requirements for a validly obtained admission: (1) the admitted conduct must constitute the essential elements of a crime in the jurisdiction in which it occurred; (2) the applicant must have been provided with the definition and essential elements of the crime in understandable terms prior to making the admission; and (3) the admission must have been made voluntarily. See Matter of K-, 7 I&N Dec. 594 (BIA 1957).

Justice Ginsburg's piepowder observation in Vartelas v. Holder, together with Matter of K and Matter of Guevara, provide more arsenal to an LPR who is charged as an arriving alien based on the commission rather than the conviction of a crime under INA § 212(a)(2). Beyond this, the disinclination to sanction ad hoc investigation through a “dusty feet” court conducted without legal sanction or moral restraint reflects a commendable preference for the stability of the written record as the framework for informed decision.

The conceptual framework that governs any discussion of retroactivity is the traditional two-step formula announced in Landgraf v. USI Film Products, supra. Since Congress did not expressly instruct on how far back IIRIRA could go, we move to the second prong announced by the High Court at page 277 of Landgraf, namely whether giving retrospective effect to INA 101(a)(13)(C)(v) will contradict basic notions of proper notice and upset “settled expectations” on which the actor “reasonably relied.” When in doubt, retroactivity is disfavored. The Supreme Court got it right. “Elementary considerations of fairness dictate that individuals should have an opportunity to know what the law is and to conform their conduct accordingly.” Landgraf, 511 US at 265.

Justice Ginsburg’s admonition reflects a profound appreciation of the due process rights that returning LPR’s have traditionally enjoyed.   While Woodby may not have been a constitutional decision, the warning against piepowder courts can only be understood in a constitutional context.  Remember the returning LPR seaman in Kwong Hai Chew v Colding, 349 US 590(1953) that authorities sought to exclude without a hearing; the Supreme Court reminded us that he deserved full constitutional rights to a fair hearing with all the due process protection that would have been his had he never left. Remember what Rosenberg v Fleuti, 374 US 449, 460(1963) taught us: “A resident alien who leaves this country is to be regarded as retaining certain basic rights.” Remember the ringing injunction of Shaughnessy v. US ex rel Mezei, 345 US 206, 213(1953): “A lawful resident alien may not captiously be deprived of his constitutional rights to procedural due process.”  In essence, behind Justice Ginsburg’s distaste for piepowder courts when applied to returning resident aliens, regardless of when their conviction or admission took place, is nothing less than the right “ to stay in this land of freedom.” Landon v. Plasencia, 459 US 21, 36 (1982) quoting Bridges v. Wixon, 306 US 135, 154 (1945).

The refusal to sanction IIRIRA retroactivityin Vartelas v. Holder provides the kind of predictabilitythat LPRs need and deserve before they leave the USA and seek to return.  This, after all, is why retroactivity is disfavored .This is precisely why a piepowder court is not allowed; an LPR should know what this status means, what his or her rights are and should be able to leave the US with the confidence that an uneventful return is not only possible but entirely to be expected. In this sense, the refusal to embrace IIRIRA retroactivity and the caution against a piepowder court spring from the same place and say the same thing- predictability is at the very essence of a lawful society.  After all, to borrow Einstein’s happy phrase, God does not play dice with the universe.
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Immigration Protectionism Costs America Billions

4/14/2012

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Angelo Paparelli, ABIL Immediate Past President
Nation of Immigrators

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I worry a lot about the future facing America's young adults.  Saddled with Dickensian levels of college and grad-school debt, largely unable to find opportunities in their preferred careers, our young fear that they'll be relegated to work in low-paid, dead-end jobs. They and their parents are rightly concerned that the middle class is disappearing, the gulf between the ultra-rich and the poor is growing, and citizens coming of age today may never achieve the American Dream of economic progress. The country's political, labor and business leaders seem to think the solution lies in restoring our nation's former prominence in manufacturing:

At the Second Annual Conference on the Renaissance of American Manufacturing held in Washington on March 27, speakers from the Obama administration, the Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum presidential campaigns, Republican and Democratic senators, CEOs, and representatives from labor, think tanks and trade associations all agreed: the renewal of American manufacturing should be a top economic priority.

Richard A. McCormack, "Is Momentum Building For Adopting A New Manufacturing Policy Agenda, Or Is The Interest Due Only To The Upcoming Election?" Manufacturing & Technology News, Mar. 30, 2012.

I'm not persuaded.  Don't get me wrong, this native Detroiter was glad when the Obama Administration stepped in to save the U.S. auto industry. Despite the protests of a certain "Son of Detroit," the de facto GOP nominee for president, who would have "Let Detroit Go Bankrupt," and now derides the auto bailout as "crony capitalism," maintaining a base level of domestic manufacturing is an important element of our national security.

But it's not the key to our economic salvation.  Slate's Matthew Yglesias makes the point well in "Forget the Factories [-] Obama’s foolish obsession with manufacturing jobs will make America poorer":

[If] you look at America’s metropolitan areas, it’s clear that manufacturing-oriented places are relatively poor. The wealthy clusters in the United States are built around things like software, biotechnology and medical devices, higher education, finance, and business services. Places like California, Minneapolis, Seattle, and the Northeast corridor are far richer than the factory-oriented Rust Belt and Southeast.

Rather than overemphasize the rebuilding of its industrial base, America should play to its true strengths. We are the "crazy ones" who "think different", the dreamers (and DREAMers), the visionaries and innovative problem-solvers. Although we've fallen behind in the STEM fields, and must therefore refocus our emphasis on math and the sciences, we are blessed as a nation with an abundance of creative savants who color outside the lines. Our technology dazzles and transforms the world as Hollywood entertains it.

These strengths illustrate the fundamental economic principle of comparative advantage -- do only what you do best and let others do their own best thing. It works domestically, for example, when companies make the "buy or build" decision and choose to focus on core competencies.  It would work as well in the global economy if trade were truly free and fair, protectionism were eliminated, and guarantees of minimum labor standards and trade dislocation payments were universally achieved.

If America played to its strengths, our leaders would promote basic research and development, and generally decline to let government pick winners and losers. They would recognize that service industries today account for almost three-fourths of all American jobs, and that the upside potential for better-paying jobs lies more in services than in manufacturing.

J. Bradford Jensen, professor of economics and international business at Georgetown University, makes the case for increased services trade convincingly in his 2011 book, Global Trade in Services: Fear, Facts, and Offshoring, and in the video below:

Similarly, The New York Times' Catherine Rampell reported last week:

In the United States, services increasingly dominate the economy. Employment in this sector has risen steadily since the 1960s, with 70 percent of Americans now working in service industries. And America already exports more services than any other country in the world, even more than the next two competitors combined. In 2011, that amounted to $612 billion exported in services, up 10.1 percent from 2009, and up 136 percent since 1991.

Still, there is great untapped potential for more, since all of these exports are being sold from a tiny share of all the American companies that could participate in the global marketplace.

"Some Urge U.S. to Focus on Selling Its Skills Overseas," April 10, 2012.

What's stopping us from exporting more services (a market likely to add another $800 billion to our GDP)?
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Agricultural subsidies are partly to blame. They are a significant obstacle that discourages developing countries from talking about eliminating trade-in-services barriers. Ag subsidies also create "push" factors, as when many Mexican corn farmers, unable to compete with U.S. agribusiness, abandoned their fields and entered America illegally after Mexico, the U.S. and Canada enacted the North American Free Trade Agreement. As Ron Nixon of The New York Times notes, were we at least to cap artificial farm price supports, we could save billions.

Steel protectionism is another culprit.  Our would-be trading partners have seen America (the leading proponent of free trade) as behaving hypocritically when President George W. Bush imposed tariffs on imported steel in 2002 and again when Congress enacted and President Obama signed the American Recovery and Relief Act in 2009 (with its "Buy American" requirements to purchase iron, steel, and manufactured goods for use in public construction and public works projects).

Global trade in steel and farm products are important to be sure.  Lowering these trade barriers globally or regionally (while providing trade adjustment assistance and retraining for displaced workers) would be beneficial.  It would allow American consumers to purchase more goods at lower cost. The real promise of American prosperity lies, however, not so much in eliminating barriers to trading tangible commodities, but rather in exploiting our lead in the international trade for services.

The primary impediments to the negotiation of liberalized trade-in-services treaties are found among the miserly visa quotas and contrived labor-market-testing provisions codified in the Immigration and Nationality Act, as even more strictly interpreted by anti-free-trade apparatchiks in the executive branch.  

Other pernicious immigration laws likewise limit American export of services. There are the U.S.-worker preferences of the 2009 Economic Recovery Act (which I assailed at the time as "Protectionist Turducken, Immigration Style").  There is also the 2010 law imposing extortionate and exorbitant filing fees, to be paid mostly by Indian companies, to fund the sovereign function of border security -- imposts that the Indian government is now challenging as illegal trade barriers in its complaint against the U.S. in the World Trade Organization.

The Times' Catherine Rampell in sleuthing out the cause for global restraints on trade in services concludes her article by identifying the prime culprit:

Perhaps the most basic constraint is not abroad but here in the United States, which has relatively tight immigration controls. Services often require workers to travel freely across borders. Asking India to allow American consultants to enter and leave Delhi at will is difficult if the United States cannot — or, more accurately, will not — reciprocate. Economists acknowledge concerns about freer trade displacing some American workers. But they say the United States would nonetheless have a net gain in jobs if borders everywhere were more open.

“We need to have a visa policy that allows businesses to operate efficiently at home and abroad, and that allows all professionals to be able to move back and forth between corporate offices,” said Jeffrey J. Schott, a former trade negotiator and now senior fellow at the Peterson Institute. “If we don’t, why would anyone else?”

Perversely, U.S. immigration policies are not just bars to global services trade.  They also impair our ability to compete successfully in the world's marketplace for services.  Peter Whoriskey of the Washington Post explains:

If demography is destiny, the U.S. economy may be in the midst of a decades-long slowdown. The U.S. labor force is growing at about half the rate it was 20 years ago; according to recent projections by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, it will continue to expand at a slightly lower pace through 2020. . . .

“In the end, what an economy is depends upon how many bodies you have,” said Anthony Carnevale, an economist and director of the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce.

Carnevale added that if the diagnosis for what ails the economy is the size and quality of the workforce, that may be good news, at least compared to theory that the biggest problem is foreign competition. “To the extent this is a domestic demographic problem, it’s more in our control,” he said. “We can’t blame the Chinese for the quality and quantity of our domestic labor force.”

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Indeed, America's domestic demographic problem is in our control. The remedy will not be found, however, by rebuilding our manufacturing base to its former glory, or, as some have recently done, by warring with women on family planning decisions.

The U.S. will only correct its trade imbalances, redouble the nation's sizable lead in the global trade for services, and create high-paying U.S. jobs for present and future generations, by modernizing our creaky, crotchety immigration laws.  



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Oscar De La Hoya Loses Bout, Wins Green Card

4/12/2012

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Dustin Baxter, associate with ABIL President, Charles Kuck
Musings on Immigration

Little did Oscar De La Hoya know, that when he lost his first bout in controversial and memorable fashion to Felix Trinidad, he helped win a deserving fellow his permanent resident status.  On September 18, 1999, Felix Trinidad beat Oscar De La Hoya in a hotly disputed split decision, De La Hoya’s first professional loss.  As fate would have it, that same day, my client, Mr. Rosas arrived in Georgia, completing his long journey from Guatemala to the United States.

Fast forward twelve years.  Mr. Rosas was placed in removal proceedings after being arrested for driving without a license in Cobb County.  Having been in the U.S. for more than ten years, never been arrested, and being the father of a U.S. citizen child with Down Syndrome, Mr. Rosas was seeking Non-LPR Cancellation of Removal which would cancel his removal from the U.S. and result in Mr. Rosas obtaining his permanent residency.  There was a catch.  Mr. Rosas is completely illiterate, and given the fact that he is unable to read, never kept a single document (What was the point?  He didn’t know what the documents said.) to prove that he had been in the U.S. for the past ten years as required.  At trial, the government attorney stipulated to Mr. Rosas’ good moral character, and the fact that his U.S. citizen child would suffer exceptional and extremely unusual hardship if Mr. Rosas were removed to Guatemala.

The only outstanding issue was whether Mr. Rosas could establish that he had been present in the United States for the requisite ten years prior to being placed in removal proceedings.  With the lack of documentation, Mr. Rosas would have to do so based on his testimony alone, a very difficult task under current immigration law.  Enter De La Hoya’s memorable loss in 1999.  Mr. Rosas testified that he knew exactly the date he came to the U.S. because, when he arrived at his friend’s house in Georgia, the De La Hoya fight was just coming to a close, and all of the friends who had gathered to view the fight were screaming in disbelief that the judges had robbed De La Hoya of a victory.  Mr. Rosas went on to provide details about the split decision, Felix Trinidad, and De La Hoya’s reaction to the loss.  His memories of the occasion were very vivid, and Mr. Rosas testified steadily, credibly and with great detail.

As luck would have it, the Judge deciding Mr. Rosas’ case is a boxing fan and recalled the De La Hoya loss to Trinidad as vividly as Mr. Rosas.  Based on Mr. Rosas’ detailed description, and the Judge’s familiarity with the fight, the Judge (and the government attorney) was convinced that Mr. Rosas had entered the U.S. in September, 1999, and therefore established his eligibility for and warranted cancellation of removal.  In short, because De La Hoya lost his fight in such memorable fashion, he helped win Mr. Rosas’ permanent residence through cancellation of removal.  On behalf of Mr. Rosas, thank you Mr. De La Hoya.  Sometimes even when you lose you win.

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Fleuti Lives! The Restoration of a Constitutional Decision

4/8/2012

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by Cyrus D. Mehta, ABIL Lawyer and Gary Endelman
The Insightful Immigration Blog

There was a time when a lawful permanent resident (LPR) or green card holder had more rights than today.

Prior to the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA),   if an LPR with a criminal conviction traveled abroad,  he or she was not found inadmissible, or excludable as it was then known, if the trip was brief, casual and innocent.

This was as a result of a landmark decision of the Supreme Court, Rosenberg v. Fleuti, 374 U.S. 449 (1963).    Fleuti, an LPR and Swiss national, was found excludable after he returned from a visit to Mexico of only about a couple of hours under the then exclusion ground of being an alien “afflicted with psychopathic personality” based on his homosexuality.  This was only an excludable and not a deportable ground. If Flueti had not departed the US, he would not have been in the predicament he was in after his brief trip to Mexico. The Supreme Court interpreted a then statutory provision involving involuntary departures not resulting in an entry into the US, INA §101(a)(13),  to hold that Congress did not intend to exclude long term residents upon their return from a trip abroad that was “innocent, causal and brief.”Thus, under the Fleuti doctrine, such an LPR was not thought to have left the US so as to trigger excludability.

In 1996, IIRIRA amended § 101(a)(13), which now provides:

(C) An alien lawfully admitted for permanent residence in the United States shall not be regarded as seeking an admission into the United States for purposes of the immigration laws unless the alien --

(i) has abandoned or relinquished that status,
(ii) has been absent from the United States for a continuous period in excess of 180 days,
(iii) has engaged in illegal activity after having departed the United States,
(iv) has departed from the United States while under legal process seeking removal of the alien from the United States, including removal proceedings under this Act and extradition proceedings,
(v) has committed an offense identified in section 212(a)(2), unless since such offense the alien has been granted relief under section 212(h) or 240A(a), or
(vi) is attempting to enter at a time or place other than as designated by immigration officers or has not been admitted to the United States after inspection and authorization by an immigration officer.

The Board of Immigration Appeals in Matter of Collado-Munoz, 21 I&N Dec. 1061 (BIA 1998),  interpreted this amendment as eliminating the Fleuti doctrine. Thus, post 1996, an LPR who was convicted of a crime involving moral turpitude (CIMT) and who travelled abroad  would be seeking admission in the US under new § 101(a)(13)(C)(v) and could be put on the same footing as any alien seeking admission who may not have the same long term ties to the US as the LPR. Such an LPR would be found inadmissible of that CIMT even if that crime did not trigger removability  had he or she not left the US. The BIA eliminated the Fleuti  doctrine   despite a long line of Supreme Court cases holding that returning LPRs were entitled to the same due process rights as they would have if they were placed in deportation proceedings. For instance, in Kwong Hai Chew v. Colding, 344 U.S. 590 (1953), involving a seaman LPR whose entry was deemed prejudicial to the public interest and who was detained at Ellis Island as an excludable alien, the Supreme Court held that we must first consider what would have been his constitutional rights had he not undertaken his voyage to foreign ports but remained continuously in the US.  Even in Landon v. Plasencia, 459 U.S. 21 (1982), where the LPR’s trip abroad involved a smuggling operation and was not  considered so innocent,  the Supreme Court held that she could seek the Fleuti exception even in exclusion proceedings as well as enjoy all the due process rights as an LPR.  Landon recognized the LPR’s long term ties with the country noting that her right to “stay and live and work in this land of freedom” was at stake along with her right to rejoin her family.  It seemed that the BIA in Matter of Collado-Munoz, an administrative agency, was limited by its inability to rule upon the constitutionality of the laws it administered despite the robust dissent of Board Member Rosenberg  who stated that “[w]e are, however, authorized and encouraged to construe these laws so as not to violate constitutional principles.” Circuit courts deferred to the BIA interpretation while “recognizing that there are meritorious arguments on both sides of the issue.”  See Tineo v. Ashcroft, 350 F.3d 382 (3d Cir. 2003).

As a result after IIRIRA, LPRs  with prior convictions who travelled abroad briefly for holidays, weddings or to visit sick relatives were found inadmissible upon their return, and were also detained under the mandatory detention provision pursuant to § 236(c) if the conviction was a CIMT. This was true even if the conviction occurred prior to 1996 when Fleuti existed. In January 2003,  Vartelas, an LPR,  returned from a week- long trip to Greece, and immigration officials at the airport determined he was an alien seeking admission pursuant to § 101(a)(13)(c)(v) as he was convicted in 1994 for conspiring to make counterfeit security, which was characterized as a CIMT.  Vartelas challenged his designation as an arriving alien seeking admission all the way to the Supreme Court, and in Vartelas v. Holder, No. 10-1211, 565 U.S. ___, U.S. LEXIS 2540 (March 28, 2012), the Supreme Court recently held that the Fleuti doctrine  still applies to LPRs with pre-IIRIRA convictions who travel abroad.  Noting that there was a presumption against retroactive legislation under Langraf v. USI film Products, 511 U.S. 244 (1994), the Supreme Court concluded that  INA § 101(a)(13)(C)(v) resulted in an impermissible retroactive effect as it  created a “new disability” to conduct completed  prior to IIRIRA’s enactment in 1996. This new disability was Vartelas’ inability to travel after 1996, which he could freely do so prior to 1996. The Vartelas court noted, “Once able to journey abroad to fulfill religious obligations, attend funerals and weddings of family members, tend to vital financial interests, or respond to family emergencies, permanent residents situated as Vartelas now face potential banishment." We refer you the excellent practice advisory of the Legal Action Center of the American Immigration Council on how to represent clients with pre-1996 convictions who have been positively impacted by Vartelas v. Holder.

Not all share our view of Vartelas v. Holder. One expert commentator limits it to LPRs with pre-1996 convictions, and for this reason predicts that it will not have a broad impact.

We think differently.  Although the Supreme Court passed up the opportunity to rule on the viability of Fleuti for post 1996 convictions;  in footnote 2 while acknowledging that the BIA read INA §101(a)(13)(C)  to overrule Flueti  the Court noted,  “Vartelas does not challenge the ruling in Collado-Munoz. We therefore assume, but do not decide, that IIRIRA’s amendments to §101(a)(13)(A) abrogated Fleuti.” This is significant since the Supreme Court explicitly did not affirmatively decide that Fleuti  had been repealed for LPRs who had convictions after the enactment of IIRIRA. Practitioners with have LPR clients who have been charged as arriving aliens after a brief trip abroad should continue to advocate for the viability of the Flueti doctrine on behalf of their clients in removal proceedings.

There are compelling arguments for doing so, and we commend readers to the brilliant amicus brief that Ira Kurzban and Debbie Smith wrote for the American Immigration Lawyers (AILA) Association in Vartelas v. Holder providing suggestions on how to convincingly make them.  The key argument is that that  the §101(a)(13)(C) categories never abrogated Flueti; rather they codified some of the characteristics of Flueti by suggesting, for example,  that an LPR would not be seeking admission if the trip overseas was brief (§101(a)(13)(C)(ii)) and that it was innocent (§101(a)(13)(C)(iii)). Moreover, § 101(a)(13)(C) employs “shall not …unless” language, which suggests that the provisions within are only necessary conditions to trigger inadmissibility, but not necessary and sufficient conditions to trigger inadmissibility.

Moreover,  the burden has always been on the government to establish that an LPR is not entitled to that status, and this burden established in Woodby v. INS, 385 U.S. 276 (1966), is that the government must prove by “clear, unequivocal and convincing" evidence that the LPR should be deported. Subsequent to Woodby, in Landon v. Plasencia, supra, the Supreme Court held that a returning resident be accorded due process in exclusion proceedings and that the Woodby standard be applied equally to an LPR in exclusion proceedings. With the introduction of  the § 101(a)(13)(C) provisions rendering a returning LPR inadmissible, the CBP’s Admissibility Review Office and more than one government lawyer argued that the heavy burden of proof that the government had  under Woodby had shifted to the LPR.  Indeed, INA §240(c)(2) places the burden on the applicant for admission to prove “clearly and beyond doubt” that he or she is not inadmissible.  Fortunately, a recent decision of the BIA in Matter of Rivens, 25 I&N Dec. 623 (BIA 2011) shatters this assumption once and for all. The BIA by affirming the Woodby standard in Rivens held, “Given this historical practice and the absence of any evidence that Congress intended a different allocation of standard of proof to apply in removal cases arising under current section 101(a)(13)(C) of the Act, we hold that the respondent – whose lawful permanent resident status is uncontested – cannot be found removable under the section 212(a) grounds of inadmissibility unless the DHS first proves by clear and convincing evidence [footnote omitted] that he is to be regarded as an applicant for admission in this case by having “committed an offense indentified in section 212(a)(2).”  It is surprising that Justice Ginsburg did not mention Rivens although footnote No. 1 in that decision reveals that the BIA was keenly attuned to what the Supreme Court might do with the Vartelas case.

Thus, the survival of Woodby, notwithstanding the enactment of §101(a)(13)(C),  carries with it the survival of Fleuti. Even though the Vartelas Court did not have to decide if Fleuti still lived, it reminds us that, despite the failure of the BIA to realize it in Collado-Munoz, Fleuti is at heart a constitutional decision. Vartelas belongs in this same line of cases because it too emphasizes the special protection that the Constitution offers to returning LPRs. The  portion of Vartelas that  could serve as a springboard for such an argument  in a future case is part of footnote 7of the slip opinion:

"The act of flying to Greece, in contrast, does not render a lawful permanent resident like Vartelas hazardous. Nor is it plausible that Congress' solution to the problem of dangerous lawful permanent residents would be to pass a law that would deter such persons from ever leaving the United States."

The authors credit David Isaacson for pointing that  the second sentence, in particular, suggests a potential willingness to avoid reading 101(a)(13)(C)(v) in the way that  Collado-Munoz did, essentially on the ground that such a reading makes no sense because of its logical consequence.  One might be able to combine this with the constitutional concerns raised in the AILA amicus brief and get Collado-Munoz overturned (and Fleuti restored) on the basis of a combination of purpose-based ambiguity in the statute and the doctrine of avoidance of constitutional doubts, which trumps Chevron deference, see, e.g., Edward J. DeBartolo Corp. v. Florida Coast Bldg. and Const. Trades Council, 485 U.S. 568, 574-575 (1988).  The effect would be analogous to Zadvydas v. Davis, 533 U.S. 678 (2001) where the statute was found ambiguous largely because of concerns relating to its purpose and then interpreted in the manner that would not raise serious constitutional concerns. To the authors, this places Vartelas in a much larger context where the full potential of the ruling may be examined and developed in the future.

The significance of Vartelas  is not limited to returning permanent residents with pre-1996 convictions. Rather, when viewed with a wide-angle lens, it may serve as the ruling that restores Fleuti as a constitutional decision. Unlike the assumption of the BIA in Collado-Munoz that Fleuti was decided in what Ira Kurzban and Deborah Smith insightfully term a “constitutional vacuum,” Justice Ginsburg has given back to Fleuti the constitutional provenance that sadly it seemed to have lost.Unlike the Fifth Circuit in De Fuentes v. Gonzalez, 462 F.3d 498,503(5th Cir. 2006) that saw no “constitutional core” in Fleuti or the Third Circuit in Tineo v. Ashcroft, 350 F.3d 382,397 (3d Cir 2003) which boldly though mistakenly proclaimed that  Fleuti had no basis in constitutional principle, Vartelas harkens back to an appreciation of lawful permanent residence that IIRIRA made us think for a while had vanished: “Once an alien gains admission to our country and begins to develop the ties that go with permanent residence, his constitutional status changes accordingly.” Landon v. Plascencia, 459 US at 32 (citing Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 US 763, 770(1950)). If that happy day comes when Fleuti is restored in full, legal scholars may well lookback to Vartelas v Holder as the case that made it all possible. The lasting contribution to the law that the Supreme Court has made through Vartelas v Holder may well be not only, or even primarily, in its forthright rejection of IIRIRA retroactivity, but rather in reclaiming for Fleuti its lasting  place in the penumbra of constitutional safeguards that have nurtured and protected the rights of lawful permanent residents.  In this sense, Fleuti did not create new rights for permanent residents so much as refine and expand existing constitutional alliances. For this reason, a revival of Fleuti would not be a radical leap into terra incognita but the rightful restoration of a constitutional regime that commands our attention and merits our respect. We do not know what the future will be for Fleuti   but, now, thanks to Vartelas,  there might be a story to tell.
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DOMA’s Tragic Impact on Immigrant Couples: Isn’t it Time to Overturn it?

4/8/2012

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by Laura Danielson, ABIL Lawyer
The Lamp Beside the Golden Door

In my many years of practicing immigration law I have seen numerous loving binational couples (one a US citizen and the other a citizen anywhere else) who have sought out legal counsel so that they can remain together in the U.S. For opposite sex couples, the solution is usually pretty simple. Our immigration system favors family relationships, particularly those between husbands and wives when one is a U.S. citizen. Yes, there can be tricky timing and travel considerations but for the most part this process simply requires filing joint paperwork and waiting for the arduous bureaucracy to churn through the process. I’ll never forget when I explained to one couple that they would be separated for many months waiting for approvals if the foreign spouse left the U.S. as initially planned after his 90 day visit. The prospective husband asked me if I’d mind leaving my office for ten minutes or so, which surprised me but I dutifully did so. I learned that he got on bended knee in front of my desk and asked his American girlfriend to marry him right then and there. Fortunately she said “yes”, so I was comfortably able to return to my office, offer my congratulations, and start the paperwork.

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Things do not happen so easily for same sex binational spouses, however. Over the years I’ve met with numerous couples who simply want to be able to live together in the U.S., but despite state or foreign recognized marriages they cannot because the Defense of Marriage Act (“DOMA”) prohibits the granting of federal benefits, such as immigration status. In the best scenarios, the foreign spouse has top level education, experience, and a cooperative petitioning employer to  file employment-based immigration paperwork. For example, Canadian born Jack Gilad, whom who we profiled in Green Card Stories, was able to get immigrant status through his employer so that he could live permanently with his spouse, Doug Hauer, and their two parrots.
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Many others have to cobble together solutions such as extending scholastic programs far longer than normal for those on student visas or applying for annually renewable artist visas (for those who are talented enough to qualify). Some couples might also take turns visiting one another in their respective countries on tourist visas,  giving up stable jobs and time with other family members to do so. None of these temporary solutions are satisfactory and my clients live in fear that one day something will happen to make it impossible to continue along these lines: a dancer’s injury; a denied visa renewal; a loss of financial stability.

In rare cases we have been able to get political asylum for gay or lesbian individuals who have a legitimate fear of persecution in their home countries. These claims have been possible since 1994, when then Attorney General Janet Reno acknowledged that persecution for sexual preference is a basis for asylum.

At present there are estimated to be at least 35,000 binational same sex couples living in the U.S. Some couples have given up on living in the U.S. altogether and have gone to live in one of 19 countries around the world that currently grant immigration benefits to same sex couples (provided the foreign national spouse has status there.) It is difficult to know how many couples have left the U.S. to live abroad, but it stands to reason that there are at least as many as those who have remained. In a letter last year to President Obama, Richard Brendan described how difficult the decision he made over twenty-five years ago to leave behind his family has been. In seeking the President’s support for legislation that would unite same sex binational families, he wrote, “Please do not allow future generations to grow old without their parents, siblings, nieces and nephews, cousins, aunts, uncles and of course childhood friends. You are not expected to understand what this does to one’s spirit for life.”

In the worst cases, where there are no immigration options either to live abroad or to get visa extensions in the U.S., couples make the difficult decision for the foreign spouse to live in the underground hell of an undocumented person, unable to get work permission or even driver’s licenses in most states. The DOMA Project tells numerous stories of couples in this situation on their site called, “Stop the Deportations”. These couples live in fear not only of detection and permanent separation from their partners, but also of the appalling conditions that immigration detention facilities can present to LGBT individuals. Currently, such facilities are not bound by the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA), which mandates that jails follow certain protocols to protect inmates against sexual violence. The Department of Justice has found that PREA does not fall within ICE’s purview and civil rights complaints have been filed.

DOMA, which is the only obstacle blocking the grant of immigration benefits to foreign nationals married to same sex spouses of U.S. citizens, was found to be unconstitutional by the Obama administration a year ago, at least as to Article 3, which is the clause prohibiting foreign spouses in lawful marriages from being granted immigration benefits. The administration announced back then that it would no longer expend resources in defending DOMA’s constitutionality. This opened the door for a recent lawsuit, in which Immigration Equality has brought together five married, binational gay and lesbian plaintiffs, all of whom have been in long term relationships. Their stories are in many ways the same as those of opposite gender couples who have remained together for years, sharing life’s joys, burdens and in some cases the experience of raising children together.

Some people agree that when same sex couples choose to live together they shouldn’t be discriminated against, but that it is going too far to grant them the rights and responsibilities of marriage. After all, if they care so much about remaining together then they can prepare wills and directives that will pretty much have the same effect, right? Well, no. I’m witness to the significant and sometimes tragic burdens imposed on same sex binational couples and their families that cannot be fixed through these directives. The problem cannot even be fixed by getting lawfully married in states that recognize their right to do so. I have long thought that the time is ripe for us to do something about this and look forward to a favorable outcome in Immigration Equality’s challenge to DOMA. Even before that, our administration has the power to stop deporting same sex marital partners, and it should take steps to do so immediately. As the White House website states: President Obama believes [that]… Americans with partners from other countries should not be faced with a painful choice between staying with their partner or staying in their country.’

And if some of you are still not persuaded, let me end with a binational couple’s story that illustrates the absurdity of our government trying to regulate these matters of the heart. Years ago the foreign partner entered the U.S. as a male and had a sex change operation. She then fell in love with an American woman who wanted to marry and sponsor her for immigrant status. Told by other lawyers that their situation was hopeless under DOMA they came to see  me. Based on my experience a number of years earlier with the denial of a transsexual woman’s marriage to an American man, I told them that in transsexual cases the government took the position (at that time) that the only gender that mattered (even with anatomy to the contrary) was the one on the foreign spouse’s passport. In this case the foreign spouse’s passport listed her as male, so I suggested they just go ahead, get married, and file their paperwork. I even called the Immigration Service to discuss it ahead of time and the supervisor agreed that this was an approveable case. And as far as I know, this same sex bi-national couple approved years ago by the Immigration Service has lived happily ever after (and with no adverse consequences to anyone.)

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Pre-Election Bipartisanship -- Except on Immigration, Where Sen. Grassley Stubbornly Obstructs

4/7/2012

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Angelo Paparelli, ABIL Immediate Past President
Nation of Immigrators

At President Obama’s signing ceremony for the JOBS Act last week, White House guests slapped high fives with bipartisan glee. They came to the Rose Garden to help “Jumpstart Our Business Startups,” as the new law’s title optimistically promises to do. With pen in hand, the President joined in the merriment, observing that it’s not about blather but action:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/photos-and-video/video/2012/04/05/president-obama-signs-jobs-act

One of the great things about America is that we are a nation of doers -- not just talkers, but doers. We think big. We take risks. And we believe that anyone with a solid plan and a willingness to work hard can turn even the most improbable idea into a successful business. So ours is a legacy of Edisons and Graham Bells, Fords and Boeings, of Googles and of Twitters. This is a country that’s always been on the cutting edge. And the reason is that America has always had the most daring entrepreneurs in the world. . . . [M]aybe one of them or one of the folks in the audience here today will be the next Bill Gates or Steve Jobs or Mark Zuckerberg. And one of them may be the next entrepreneur to turn a big idea into an entire new industry. That’s the promise of America. That’s what this country is all about.

With an eye to November and an 11% approval rating, members of the House and Senate are trying at last to rebrand themselves as a “done-something” Congress. Would it were so with the DREAM Act or with urgently needed reforms to our antiquated system of legal immigration whose last major enactment occurred in 1990. Regrettably, when it comes to immigration, the American people get claptrap not high fives.

Three years ago the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) issued a bipartisan report and recommendations on U.S. immigration policy, the work of a task force study led by Florida Governor Jeb Bush and Thomas F. "Mack" McLarty III, former White House Chief of Staff to President Clinton. Last month, another bipartisan CFR task force, this one headed by Condoleezza Rice, former Secretary of State under the second President Bush, and Joel Klein, ex-Chancellor of the New York City education department and Counsel in the Clinton White House, issued its study and suggestions to improve U.S. national security by reforming education.

Taken together, these reports sound a clarion call for immediate legislative action on legal immigration.

As the Bush-McLarty report proposed:

The Task Force recommends that the United States tackle head-on the growing competition for skilled immigrants from other countries and make the goal of attracting such immigrants a central component of its immigration policy. For decades, the primary goal has been to ration admission; in the future, recruiting the immigrants it wants must be the highest priority.

The Rice-Klein study on education reform and national security concurs:

Too many schools have failed to provide young citizens with the tools they need to contribute to U.S. competitiveness. This, coupled with an immigration system in need of reform, poses real threats to the prospects of citizens, constrains the growth of the U.S. talent pool, and limits innovation and economic competitiveness.


The epicenter of the logjam on immigration bipartisanship – at least in the Senate – is Iowa Republican, Chuck Grassley.  Although he voted “Yea” on the bill that became the JOBS Act, Sen. Grassley is an immigration obstructionist, seemingly blind to the links between employment-based visas, U.S. prosperity and job creation for our citizens.

Despite passage in the house by a 389 to 15 vote margin, he has held up a vote on the Fairness for High-Skilled Immigrants Act — a bill that would eliminate the per-country caps on employment-based immigrants and thus allow foreign workers born in China, India and other quota-backlogged countries to obtain a green card more quickly. Sen. Grassley has also blockaded a proposal pushed by fellow Republican Senator, Scott Brown, which would give Irish citizens parity with Australians in receiving E-3 visas.

The Iowa senator worries that “flooding the employment market with foreign workers when high-skilled Americans are seeking jobs at unprecedented levels, just doesn't square with improving the home-team advantage, let alone fostering a level playing field.”

Even more worrisome to Sen. Grassley are immigration fraudsters who steal jobs from Americans. He sees them everywhere, much like the young boy, Cole Sear, in the 1999 film, The Sixth Sense, who sees dead people all around:
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Cole Sear (played by Haley Joel Osment): I see dead people. Malcolm Crowe (played by Bruce Willis): In your dreams? [Cole shakes his head no]

Malcolm Crowe: While you're awake? [Cole nods]

Malcolm Crowe: Dead people like, in graves? In coffins?

Cole Sear: Walking around like regular people. They don't see each other. They only see what they want to see. They don't know they're dead.

Malcolm Crowe: How often do you see them?

Cole Sear: All the time. They're everywhere.

Sen. Grassley wants to place even more rigid controls on the H-1B visa (for Specialty Occupation Workers) and the L-1 visa (for Intracompany Transferees). The senator would inflate the wages that U.S. employers must pay skilled foreign workers (even though the law of supply and demand is producing that result already without an act of Congress), require feckless labor market testing of workers in occupations with low unemployment rates, and give even more authority to the Labor Department to send disruptive auditors to the worksites to investigate the supposedly ever-present fraud that he perceives.

And as Congress dawdles on legal immigration, Sen. Grassley has been a one-man lightning rod, jolting the immigration agencies under the W and Obama administrations and intimidating them so that they jump to his bidding.

Under pressure from Sen. Grassley, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) and the Department of State have denied and revoked visas and work petitions, while sending ever larger legions of immigration gumshoes from the USCIS Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate (FDNS) on unannounced and repeated visits to worksites around the country.

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Not content to engage in officious intermeddling with an Executive Branch immigration agency, Sen. Grassley has also been busy tasering the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Inspector General (IG) into issuing breathless reports based on unscientific measurements that unpersuasively document "evidence" of perceived fraud (links available here, here and here).  It's not as if the IG has nothing to do; rather, he should be spending more time investigating DHS's internal operations.

No knowledgeable observer would deny the existence of immigration fraud. I see its victims often among the immigrants who seek my counsel after having been bamboozled not just by a few unscrupulous lawyers but also by the larger ranks of incompetent and dangerous consultants and notarios – a population still coddled by the Labor Department even though USCIS, quite laudably, has mounted a campaign against them. And of course, some percentage of employers will bend or break or simply misunderstand the befuddling “rules” that the immigration agencies have written (or failed to write) in response to the existing crazy-quilt of laws passed by Congress since at least the 1950s. Despite the massive aggrandizement of law-enforcement resources to guard the immigration system since September 11, little evidence exists to show that visa fraud is widespread or that it occurs at any greater rate than in other federal programs.

We can electrify and fortify our borders, and send in the immigration drones and detectives, but we still need law-abiding sojourners and immigrants to reinvigorate our economy and uplift our people.

As much as NationOfImmigrators assails the wrongdoing of the immigration agencies, this blogger knows nonetheless that they are peopled mostly with patriots trying to do the right thing (as a USCIS Service Center Director correctly reminded me last week and as the USCIS’s Fiscal Year 2011 Highlights Report confirms).

They make mistakes, to be sure, and engage in insincere Washingtonian wordsmithing. Take for example the oft-repeated conceit that FDNS site visits are merely cleverly surprising methods to insure integrity in immigration petitions and are not law-enforcement actions subject to Fourth Amendment protections.

The veil’s been lifted on that falsehood, however, with the issuance of a March 30, 2012 federal court order in a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) suit by the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) against USCIS and DHS. AILA’s lawsuit seeks release of three USCIS documents, viz., its H-1B Benefits Fraud Compliance Assessment Report (BFCA), H-1B Petition Fraud Referral Sheet and H-1B Compliance Review Worksheet. Although the suit continues, the court generally affirmed for now USCIS’s assertion that its actions in refusing disclosure are justifiable under the FOIA exemption found at 5 U.S.C. § 552(b)(7)(E). This section protects records or information compiled for law enforcement purposes from disclosure “to the extent that the production of such law enforcement records or information . . . would disclose techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions if such disclosure could reasonably be expected to risk circumvention of the law.” The agency relies on exemption 7E because the requested records, as USCIS’s own pleadings assert, have been “withheld to preserve the integrity and effectiveness of certain techniques and operations of current law enforcement significance.”

On what are these “techniques and operations of current law enforcement significance” based? The court’s order offer’s a tantalizing snippet:

The final page of the BFCA Report identifies several primary fraud or technical violation(s) indicators: (1) firms with 25 of fewer employees have higher rates of fraud or technical violation(s) than larger-sized companies; (2) firms with an annual gross income of less than $10 million have higher rates of fraud or technical violation(s) than firms with annual gross income greater than $10 million; (3) firms in existence less than 10 years have higher incidences of fraud or technical violation(s) than those in existence for more than 10 years; (4) H-1B petitions filed for accounting, human resources, business analysts, sales and advertising occupations are more likely to contain fraud or technical violation(s) than other occupational categories; and (5) beneficiaries with only bachelor’s degrees had higher fraud or technical violation(s) rates than those with graduate degrees.

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Ironically, many of the same putative indicators of fraud or technical immigration violations are attributes that describe the precise traits of “Business Startups” – the very entities which bipartisan supporters in Congress hope to “Jumpstart” by passing the JOBS Act. Newly established businesses typically employ less than 25 workers at the outset, initially gross less than $10 million per year, by definition have been in existence less than 10 years, and, just like larger firms, may choose the H-1B visa category to hire accountants, HR specialists, business analysts and workers in sales and advertising jobs for persons who hold only a bachelor’s degree. Clearly, USCIS and its FDNS unit are now running scared by Sen. Grassley’s gassy harrumphing, and see fraud where the President and most members of Congress, including the Senior Senator from Iowa, see opportunities for job creation.

The solution is to debunk the notion that American job losses are caused by increased legal immigration; rather, as the National Foundation for American Policy has shown, more employment-based immigration creates more jobs for U.S. workers.  

One true believer in the power of immigration, Steve Case (former AOL founder and now venture capitalist), who was instrumental in gaining the votes for the JOBS Act, says, "[m]omentum begets momentum."  Case now has set his sights on passing job-creating immigration laws before the November election (a controversial subject among some immigration proponents who believe that only a comprehensive solution, including remedies for the undocumented, will rectify America's immigration dysfunctions).

Perhaps with the help of Steve Case and other business leaders, Sen. Grassley may yet be persuaded to spend less time calling the President “stupid” and, instead let his love of job-creating startups push him to transform his antipathy into appreciation for employment-based, legal immigration reform.

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BALCA Clarifies DOL's Position on Proof of Publication of the SWA Job Order and Ads Placed by Private Employment Firms Under PERM

4/2/2012

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by Cora-Ann Pestaina, Associate with ABIL member, Cyrus D. Mehta
The Insightful Immigration Blog

As usual, BALCA (Board of Alien Labor Certification Appeals) decisions are very important for practitioners as they offer crucial insights into how to avoid some of the pitfalls in preparing and filing a labor certification application under Program Electronic Review Management (PERM) or into what arguments can be made in response to the unfortunate receipt of a PERM denial notice. BALCA recently issued some notable decisions.

DOCUMENTATION OF THE SWA JOB ORDER
While the Department of Labor (“DOL”) is obsessed about the employer presenting proof of publication of its recruitment, BALCA recently held, in an en banc decision, A Cut Above Ceramic Tile, 2010-PER-00224 (Mar. 8, 2012), that based on the history of the PERM regulations and the plain language of 20 C.F.R. §656.17(e)(2)(i), proof of publication of the State Workforce Agency (“SWA”) job order is not required supporting documentation.

The PERM regulations at 656.17(e)(2)(i) require an employer filing a PERM application to place a job order with the SWA serving the area of intended employment for a period of 30 days. That same section of the regulations also states, “[t]he start and end dates of the job order entered on the application serve as documentation of this step.” Pursuant to 656.10(f), all documentation supporting the PERM application must be retained for five years after filing the application. 656.17(a)(3) mandates that the employer must furnish “required supporting documentation” to the Certifying Officer (“CO”) if the PERM application is audited. A substantial failure by the employer to provide the required documentation will result in a denial of the PERM application. 656.20(b).

In A Cut Above Ceramic Tile, the employer attested, on an ETA Form 9089 filed on January 8, 2007, that, as part of its domestic recruitment efforts for the position of Tile Setter, it placed a job order with the SWA in the area of intended employment from July 13 to August 12, 2006. On June 11, 2009, the DOL issued an audit notification, which included the request for a copy of the job order placed with the SWA downloaded from the SWA internet job listing site; a copy of the job order provided by the SWA; or other proof of publication from the SWA containing the content of the job order. As part of its audit response, the employer included a copy of its completed Employer Job Order Information Sheet from VaEmploy.Com, the SWA for the state of Virginia. Citing 656.20(b) as authority, the CO denied the PERM application based on the employer’s failure to provide proof of publication of the SWA job order containing the content of the job order, as requested in the audit notification letter. The CO found that the employer’s submission of the Employer Job Order Information Sheet did not show the final content of the job order as run by the SWA.

The Employer filed a motion for reconsideration of the PERM denial arguing that the PERM regulations provide that the SWA job order is documented by the start and end dates entered on the ETA Form 9089. The employer also argued that it had tried to obtain proof of publication from the SWA but had been informed that proof of the publication of its job order had been deleted. The CO affirmed the denial and forwarded to case to BALCA which also affirmed the denial and held that the employer’s documentation only showed that the job order was placed for the required 30-day period but did not provide proof of its contents.

The Employer then filed a petition for en banc review which BALCA granted to resolve the issue of whether a CO may deny certification of a PERM application based on the employer’s failure to provide proof of the publication of the SWA job order. BALCA invited the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA) to file an amicus brief which it did. There was a conflict between BALCA panels because, in another case, Mandy Donuts Corp., 2009-PER-481 (Jan. 7, 2011), a BALCA panel compared the PERM regulations at 656.17(e)(2)(i) on placement of the job order and the regulations at 656.17(e)(1)(i)(B)(3) and 656.17(e)(2)(ii)(C) on placement of a newspaper advertisement and pointed out that the PERM regulations for documentation of proof of newspaper advertisements specifically require the employer to provide copies of the newspaper pages in which the advertisement appeared or proof of publication furnished by the newspaper. The panel held that the PERM regulations only require “placement” of the job order for 30 days which is documented by the start and end dates entered on the PERM application.

The en banc panel in A Cut Above Ceramic Tile agreed with the Mandy Donuts panel and held that the distinction in the regulations is clear. The drafters of the regulation could easily have included a requirement that employers provide proof of publication of the SWA job order. In fact, the regulations governing the placement of a job order for the H-2B temporary nonagricultural labor certification program, also administered by the Employment and Training Administration (“ETA”) specifically require that the employer maintain a copy of the SWA job order or other proof of publication containing the text of the job order. 656.15(e)(1). The en banc panel reasoned that the ETA intentionally drafted the H-2B and the PERM SWA job orders regulations differently. In fact the ETA specifically stated in its response to comments regarding the audit process, that the employer is only required to provide the start and end date of the job order on the application to document the job order has been placed and the gathering of additional information on the job order from the SWA will not be necessary. See ETA, Final Rule, Implementation of New System, Labor Certification Process for the Permanent Employment of Aliens in the United States [“PERM”], 69 Fed. Reg. 77326, 77359 (Dec. 24, 2004). Essentially, the CO does not have the power to request just any type of documentation and the employer’s application may only be denied under 656.20(b) when the absent documentation is required.

While this en banc decision may appear attractive, and is certainly useful when inheriting flawed cases, practitioners ought to continue the practice of printing copies of the job order to demonstrate good faith recruitment. The BALCA en banc panel made sure to comment, in note 5, that “the spirit and the context of the PERM regulations, which are grounded in attestations backed up by retained documentation to support attestations, strongly suggest that an employer should retain and be able to produce documentation about the content and dates of action on all elements of recruitment. We would anticipate that most employers recruiting in good faith will have retained documentation in some form to show the content of the job order, and if so be able to produce it.” However, it is now clear that failure to produce the SWA job order cannot be the sole basis for a PERM denial.

THE USE OF PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT FIRMS TO CONDUCT RECRUITMENT
Under 656.17(e)(1)(ii), when conducting recruitment for a professional position, the employer must conduct three additional recruitment steps to advertise the position. The employer may choose from ten forms of recruitment including the use of a private employment firm or placement agency. 656.17(e)(1)(ii)(F) states:

The use of private employment firms or placement agencies can be documented by providing documentation sufficient to demonstrate that recruitment has been conducted by a private firm for the occupation for which certification is sought. For example, documentation might consist of copies of contracts between the employer and the private employment firm and copies of advertisements placed by the private employment forms for the occupation involved in the application.

In Credit Suisse Securities, 2010-PER-103 (Oct. 19, 2010), BALCA rejected the employer’s argument that 656.17(f), requiring that advertisements placed in newspapers of general circulation or in professional journals state the name of the employer and provide a description of the vacancy specific enough to apprise U.S. workers of the job opportunity, was not applicable to the additional recruitment steps for professional occupations, and held that the regulation in fact governs all forms of advertisement. However, not all the additional recruitment methods for professional positions readily lend themselves to these requirements. For instance, when recruiting through private employment firms, it makes no business sense to indicate the name of the employer because an applicant could then bypass the headhunter and apply directly to the employer. Indeed, in Credit Suisse Securities, BALCA acknowledged in note 7 that the requirements of 656.17(f) only applies to advertisements, and that it was not making a determination with respect to job fairs, on-campus recruiting, private employment firms and campus placement offices.

In World Agape Mission Church, 2010-PER-01117 (Mar. 23, 2012), the employer conducted recruitment for the professional position of “Pastor (Associate)” recruiting through a private employment agency as one of the three additional recruitment steps for professional positions. The CO issued an audit notification and, as part of its response to the audit notification, the employer submitted a letter from the private employment agency certifying that the agency had checked its database for any qualified applicants and had posted the job posting online. The job posting listed the job title, salary information, a job description, experience and education requirements, and that the position was full-time. The job posting was identifiable by a job number. The CO argued that the employer’s name must be included in an advertisement to ensure that the results of an employer’s test of the labor market are legitimate. The CO cited 656.17(f)(1), requiring that advertisements placed in newspapers of general circulation “name the employer.”

BALCA noted its decision in Credit Suisse Securities but held that an advertisement placed by a private employment agency is different than one placed directly by the employer. BALCA referenced its decision in HSB Solomon, 2011-PER-2599 (Oct.25, 2011) that 656.17(f) does not apply to advertisements placed by private employment firms. However, World Agape Mission Church makes it clear that the employer still has a duty to recruit in good faith and to make the job opportunity clearly open to all U.S. workers even when using a private employment agency. Of particular note was the fact that the job posting provided applicants with sufficient information like the job title, job duties, and education/experience requirements, and even if it did not list the name of the employer, it listed a job number which matched the job number listed in the letter from the employment agency certifying its recruitment. This allowed the CO to match the listing to the agency’s advertisement even without the inclusion of the employer’s name in the posting.

SUPERVISED RECRUITMENT
As the supervised recruitment train keeps barreling through, we have to keep on the lookout for any BALCA decisions to help guide us through the process. BALCA recently issued two decisions worth reading.

In Kennametal, Inc., 2010-PER-01512 (Mar. 27, 2012), BALCA held that the employer had improperly rejected U.S. workers because it did not consider the possibility that certain applicants could become qualified after a reasonable period of on-the-job training. But most interestingly, BALCA held that the employer’s rejection of applicants for not possessing the requisite bachelor’s degree was unlawful and specifically listed examples of applicants who had an associates’ degree and 10 to 24 years of experience. BALCA held that because the employer indicated in its advertisements that it would “accept a combination of education, training and experience” (well-known to practitioners filing PERM applications as the Kellogg language based on Matter of Francis Kellogg, 94-INA-465 (Feb. 2, 1998) (en banc), the employer should have considered these applicants and interviewed them to further evaluate their skills. This is particularly interesting in light of the fact that the DOL routinely requests that employers list the Kellogg language in the supervised recruitment advertisements even where it is not applicable. Now, employers have to be alert to the fact that the DOL could then use that same Kellogg language against them to argue that they unlawfully rejected U.S. workers.

In JP Morgan Chase & Co, 2011-PER-00635, BALCA upheld the CO’s denial of the PERM application under supervised recruitment because the employer did not list the addresses of the U.S. worker applicants in the body of its recruitment report as required under the supervised recruitment regulations at 656.21(e)(3) despite the fact that the employer had submitted copies of all the resumes which listed the U.S. addresses of the applicants.
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