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Revanchist Immigration: The Aftermath of “Buy American, Hire American”

1/4/2018

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By: Angelo A. Paparelli, Past ABIL President
​Nation of Immigrators Blog
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Posted in: Employment-Based Immigration, GOP on Immigration, Immigration Discrimination, Immigration Protectionism, Immigration Regulations, USCIS
“It became necessary to destroy the town to save it.”
​

~ An unidentified U.S. major, referring to the February 7, 1968 bombing of the South Vietnamese town of Ben Tre that killed hundreds of noncombatants, as recounted by Associated Press reporter, Peter Arnett.
​
I’ll admit I foolishly allowed myself to be misled. Despite almost 40 years of practicing immigration law, I didn’t anticipate the robustly revanchist re-grabbing of lost immigration territory and status, or the truly audacious intent and breadth of the April 18, 2017 “Presidential Executive Order on Buy American and Hire American (BAHA).”  As interpreted by officers adjudicating requests for immigration benefits at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), BAHA would “Make America Great Again” by taking us back to the pre-1965 days of racial and national origin discrimination, xenophobia, and jingoism, as was then embodied in America’s immigration laws.​
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US 1965 Stamp Celebrating the 750-Year Anniversary of the Magna Carta
Reading BAHA’s scant immigration provisions last April, I viewed it then as much a brouhaha about nothing. It merely called for inter-departmental proposals outlining potential administrative and legislative changes to the H-1B visa category that would “help ensure that H-1B visas are awarded to the most-skilled or highest-paid petition beneficiaries,” and, “[consistently] with applicable law . . . [would] protect the interests of United States workers in the administration of our immigration system, including through the prevention of fraud or abuse.” Since none of these proposals could come into existence without new legislation or new rulemaking under the Administrative Procedure Act (requiring a lengthy period of notice and an opportunity for stakeholder comment), I surmised that nothing much would change in the short-term.

To be sure, I noted BAHA’s ominous enforcement-minded tone (“it shall be the policy of the executive branch to rigorously enforce and administer the laws governing entry into the United States of workers from abroad”). But it seemed to me that, given the long-standing “culture of no” and gamesmanship at USCIS, BAHA was merely a ritualistic shot against the bow signaling more of the same. Boy oh boy was I wrong. BAHA has apparently awakened USCIS immigration officers as if it were a dog whistle, a silent reveille alerting them loud and clear – just like their recently “unshackled” colleagues charged with immigration enforcement – that the cuffs are off. Since BAHA was issued, USCIS immigration officers seem to view themselves as henceforth free to apply even more “innovative” and superficially plausible, if extralegal and disingenuous, reasoning to deny work visa status and employment-based green cards at whimsy and will.

Many have reported on this trend. Miriam Jordan, New York Times immigration reporter, in a recent article, “Without New Laws or Walls, Trump Presses the Brake on Legal Immigration,” offers several examples of seemingly worthy cases delayed or denied since BAHA’s release. Reuters immigration columnist, Yeganeh Torbati, offers additional examples in “Trump administration red tape tangles up visas for skilled foreigners, data shows.” Distinguished immigration lawyer and scholar, Cyrus Mehta, offers a point-by-point  technical takedown of the multi-flavored yet flawed USCIS reasoning now on display in “Stopping H-1B Carnage,” and “H-1B Entry Level Wage Blues,” as do Mareza Estevez, Justin Storch, and this blogger in “H-1B Visas: Trends, Troubles & The Look Ahead,” a webinar presented by the Council for Global immigration and (linked with permission). Not surprisingly, the pain is spreading, a trend which Stephanie Saul describes in her New York Times article,  “As Flow of Foreign Students Wanes, U.S. Universities Feel the Sting.”

Even more up close and personal, Stanford MBA graduate and lawyer, Frida Yu, offers her own disheartening perspective in “Is Anyone Good Enough for an H-1B Visa?“:
Six months ago I won the lottery — the H-1B visa processing lottery for skilled foreign workers. I called my thrilled parents and celebrated with friends. I’m from northeastern China and have an M.B.A. from Stanford, and was planning to stay in Silicon Valley to help start a company based on a promising new technology to improve the use of data. I was overjoyed because, historically, being selected in the lottery was a near guarantee that an applicant could remain in this country at least three more years.

But at the end of July, I received the dreaded Request for Further Evidence from immigration authorities. I provided the extra information that United States Citizenship and Immigration Services asked for. In September, I got another request. I complied again. Finally, on Oct. 11, half a year after my celebration, I learned I had been denied a visa.

After earning law degrees in China and at Oxford, after having worked in Hong Kong as a lawyer at a top international firm, after coming to United States three years ago for an M.B.A. and graduating and joining a start-up, I was given just 60 days to leave the country. I have 17 days left.
But who’d a thunk that adjudicators would target for denial foreign workers currently in lawful visa status applying to continue working in the same job with the same employer? After all, doesn’t BAHA’s § 1(e) define “workers in the United States” and “United States workers” as described in 8 U.S.C. § 1182(n)(4)(E), to include not only green card holders, refugees, and asylees, but also authorized immigrants? And doesn’t BAHA’s § 1(c) define “petition beneficiaries” in a future-focused way as “aliens petitioned for by employers to become nonimmigrant visa holders with temporary work authorization under the H-1B visa program”? (Emphasis added.)

Well I was both naïve and unimaginative, given that a new, post-BAHA USCIS policy memo has apparently stripped all currently authorized nonimmigrant workers of their status as protected “U.S. workers” under § 1(e). See, USCIS Policy Memorandum PM-602-0151, October 23, 2017 (“Rescission of Guidance Regarding Deference to Prior Determinations of Eligibility in the Adjudication of Petitions for Extension of Nonimmigrant Status”). In this policy memo, USCIS floated the spurious claim that its earlier 2004 and 2015 guidance (requiring that officers defer and approve, except in limited circumstances, all prior approvals of work-visa status as long as the job duties and employer remain the same) somehow shifted the burden of proof away from the individual and imposed it on the agency. This burden-of-proof argument rests on shaky terrain. Apparently, the effort is simply too much for USCIS, despite ever-escalating user fees “to obtain and review a separate record of proceeding to assess whether the underlying facts in the current proceeding have, in fact, remained the same.”

In other words, USCIS now asserts that merely doing its job, i.e., by reviewing a nonimmigrant’s entire case history, somehow shifts the burden of proving eligibility to the agency. Not so. The statutory burden on the petitioner or applicant to establish visa eligibility remains the same. Rather the minimal duty imposed on USCIS is to retrieve the prior file and read it. If that is administratively burdensome, then a reasonable new policy would instead suggest to stakeholders that, if deference to a prior approval is desired, then the petitioning employer must include a copy of the prior submission and approval notice with each request for extension of status. Problem solved.

To tighten the screws even more, USCIS has released its 2018 regulatory agenda, which, if promulgated in final form, would apparently take steps to establish a point system to favor the most-skilled or highest-paid foreign workers, and raise the standard for eligibility as an H-1B worker in a specialty occupation – moves in step with BAHA, but entirely at odds with the H-1B provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act and its legislative history. More draconian still are the changes to the H-1B visa category reportedly in the planning stage, possibly including restrictions on extensions of H-1B visa status beyond the standard maxout period of six years. Take a gander at “Trump considers big change to H-1B foreign tech worker visas,” as reported by the McClatchy Washington Bureau. This policy change, if true, would be the height of chutzpah because Congress enacted new exceptions to the usual six-year period of H-1B stay in the American Competitiveness in the 21st Century Act because of “lengthy adjudications” by the very same agency, USCIS, which had been unable to process its growing caseload in a timely manner (only in part due to visa-quota backlogs).

Notwithstanding these worrisome developments, and despite having been gulled before, I choose to toss cynicism to the wind, and hereby republish a few New Year resolutions for immigration officials to consider adopting:

  1. I will decide all cases based on the evidence of record after having read the file carefully and applied the immigration laws, regulations and agency policy memorandums in a spirit of fidelity to Congressional intent and just compassion for the people and businesses who will be affected by my decision.
  2. I will not issue requests for evidence merely as a means of pushing a case off my desk.
  3. I will decide cases promptly and remember that justice delayed is justice denied.
  4. I will not judge the case by the size of the company or the nationality of the applicant.
  5. I will not issue decisions that contradict settled agency policy guidance unless a new law or a novel set of facts justify such action.
  6. When I am duty bound to deny a case, I will provide a well-reasoned and detailed explanation of the grounds for my decision.
As immigration officials ponder my tender offer, I urge each of them to recall the oath of office as a federal employee. In the oath each of them did “solemnly swear (or affirm) [to] support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; . . . bear true faith and allegiance to the same; . . .  take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and . . . well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which [s/he is] about to enter.”

I thus implore immigration officials not to destroy America to save it. I ask them to recall that our cherished American heritage stems both from the rule of law, first embodied some 800-plus years ago in the Magna Carta, and from our cherished exceptionalism as a nation of immigrants. If immigration officials nevertheless persist in savaging decades of immigration law and policy, then I urge them to consider my intentionally nonviolent reference to the Urban Dictionary‘s definition of the Latin phrase, sic semper tyrannis, perhaps wrongly attributed to Brutus (but also uttered very unjustly by John Wilkes Booth):
sic semper tyrannis

Latin, translation: “Thus always to tyrants”, purportedly (but unlikely) uttered by Brutus at the assassination of Julius Caesar.

The phrase is meant to signify that tyrants will always be overthrown and removed from power.
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Pants on Fire over Immigration

11/17/2014

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by Angelo Paparelli, Past ABIL President
Nation of Immigrators
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In the 1997 film, Liar Liar, Jim Carrey starred as Fletcher Reede, a scruples-free lawyer whose young son, Max, wishes that, for just one day, his dad would tell the truth.  Max’s wish is granted. Fletcher flips from mendacity to veracity.  He tries persistently to lie; his Silly-Putty® face contorts wildly, but he can only blurt out truths.  Hilarity ensues, life lessons are learned, and the Reede family lives blissfully ever after.

Fast forward to Washington DC, November 2014.  Young Max, now a manly Millennial, remorseful for having sat out the mid-term elections, and disgusted with the politicians’ threats and counter-threats on immigration, makes a new wish:  For just one day, one Republican (John Boehner) and one Democrat (Barack Obama) must only speak the truth.  The wish is granted.  The usual round of press conferences and TV appearances are held, and questions are asked of President Obama and House Speaker John Boehner.

Mr. President, you’ve said that, given the failure of Congress to enact immigration reforms, you will use the full extent of your legal authority and take executive actions before the end of the year to fix our nation’s immigration system.  What specific actions will you take?

President Obama:

Before I answer that, let me admit a few things.  I promised to push for immigration reform during my first year in office, but didn’t.  I blamed Congress for failing to enact immigration reforms, while claiming that I lacked authority to disregard the laws on the books.  Hoping to show Republicans that I could be tough on immigration, I became the “Deporter in Chief.”  But then, a few months before the last Presidential election, I did what I said I could not do and authorized the Homeland Security Department to roll out a program for Dreamers known as DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals).  That move brought out Latino voters in droves and may well have been the proximate cause of my reelection.  Pressed by immigration activists to stop breaking up families by deporting parents, I asked the Secretary of Homeland Security to study alternatives.   Then I deferred action on his report, and then I deferred executive action in the summer, and deferred again in the fall at the behest of endangered Democrats who worried that they’d be trounced in the mid-terms.  It didn’t matter.  They were trounced anyway, and I’m now facing a Congress controlled by the GOP.  So having learned that I must talk truth on immigration, here’s what I’m going to do very soon.

 I’ll order reforms that allow a 2.5 million to 5 million undocumented to receive work and travel permits (except for recent arrivals, hardened criminals and terrorists). I’ll authorize measures that will speed up — ever so slowly — the immigrant visa backlog.  I may allow early filing of employment-based green card applications.  This would grant professional and skilled foreign workers and their families work and travel permission sooner than now. But they’ll still be stuck in the waiting line just as long and won’t get green cards until their visa numbers are current. I could recapture 600,000 or more immigrant visa numbers that my own and previous administrations squandered by not using them before the end of each fiscal year.  I could say that spouses and kids would not be counted in the employment-based green card quota.  I could make USCIS stop denying benefits to people on technicalities or imagined grounds of ineligibility.   I haven’t decided on these yet.

Of course, I’ll describe these executive actions as generous within the bounds of the law. I know that I’ll be accused of having bypassed the Republican Congress on immigration reform. Some in the media will say  it’s  ”Caesarism” or “caudillismo.”  But others will come to my defense.  Still, the constitutional law professor in me worries that I may be going too far, and that some future Republican president will use my action as precedent to ignore the Constitution and take the country off a cliff.
Mr. Speaker, last summer when unaccompanied minors were streaming across our borders you spoke of the “numerous steps the President can and should be taking right now, without the need for Congressional action, to secure our borders and ensure these children are returned swiftly and safely to their countries.” More recently you said that if the President pursues unilateral executive action on immigration, he’ll be “playing with fire, and when you play with fire, you get burned.” So executive action is right when you agree with it and wrong when you don’t.  Which is it?
Speaker Boehner:

Well obviously executive action is right when a Republican holds the presidency and wrong when it’s held by a Democrat, especially Barack Obama.

Yes, I’ve used incendiary language about “executive amnesty” but I’ve been no less flamboyant and no less insincere than others in my party.  Republican National Committee Chair Reince Priebus called  executive action by the President on immigration ”a nuclear threat”  and said it would be like “throwing a barrel of kerosene on a fire.”   But don’t believe him.  He’s the same old Reince who suggested after our 2012 loss that comprehensive immigration reform must be embraced, that is, until the Tea Party caucus set him straight. I also liked the whopper Mitch McConnell lobbed when he said he’d “naïvely hoped the President would look at the results of the election and decide to come to the political center and do some business with us.”  Mitch is never naïve.  He knows that the election proved nothing because we offered no agenda to govern.  Mitch and I both know how much we need to show the public that Republicans — when we control Congress — can pass meaningful legislation.  We know we  can’t be seen as the party of “just say no.”  If we got immigration behind us, we could “do business” with the President on taxes, trade, energy and other issues that our rich donors demand.

So, when President Obama takes executive action on immigration, as I’m sure he will, the Tea Party wing of the GOP will have conniption fits.  Many of them will accuse him of impeachable acts.  He needn’t worry.  His executive actions are no more aggressive than other Presidents, including Republicans.  These are by no means “high crimes and misdemeanors.”

We will also threaten to sue him, but we know that won’t work.  The courts won’t recognize the standing of members of Congress to challenge his enforcement discretion. We will threaten to hold up approval of Loretta Lynch, his pick for Attorney General, but she’ll get through because the Democrats can exercise the nuclear option and prevent a filibuster.

We’ll also threaten to use the budget process to starve his immigration agency, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, of the funds needed to issue work and travel permits to the undocumented.  He need not  be worried.  Although it could lead to a government shutdown, it won’t.  Mitch McConnell and I are too savvy for that.   We know that the public blamed the GOP for the last shutdown, and will likely do it again.  In any case, USCIS is mostly funded by user fees which applicants for benefits must pay.  So a budget standoff will not work.

But the biggest lie of all is when I said recently that “[it's] time for the Congress of the United States to deal with [immigration]“.  I could resolve this problem easily if I weren’t so fearful of the flack I’d get from the Tea Party and Fox News.  I could disregard the Hastert rule and just call up the Senate comprehensive immigration reform bill, S. 744, for a vote.  Despite the election, there are still enough House votes to pass it. It actually is the smart thing to do.  It might be the first step toward showing the growing demographic of Hispanic, youth and single female voters that we’re not just a party of older white, mostly male voters.  It might allow our 2016 presidential candidates to jump the “blue wall.”  Truth be told, however, I won’t bring S. 744 up for a vote. Pretense and posturing are so much easier than leadership and governing.  I’ve got to go now, because I’m getting all weepy — for myself and my missing spine.
* * *
Well Max got his wish  and two seasoned pols told the truth for a day.  Does it change anything?  Not really; we know these truths to be self-evident.  The ultimate truth is that howsoever President Obama’s executive actions and the Republicans’ reactions on immigration play out, the American people must stand up and hold our “leaders” accountable to fix our dysfunctional immigration system through well-conceived legislation.
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